Wednesday, April 8, 2015

The King, the Clerics, and the Women

The internal dynamics of Saudi Arabia pit a moderate dynasty against extremist Islamic leaders, with the ordinary residents caught as pawns in the middle. This is clear, for example, in the question about women’s role in society.

The royal family, the house of Saud, has some moderate thinkers among its members. King Abdullah, who reigned from 2005 to 2015, was savvy in his conduct of international diplomacy.

This brought him into conflict with the mullahs, imams, and mujtahids - the Islamic leadership. Saudi Arabia has a majority of Sunni Muslims and a minority of Shi’a Muslims.

Officially, the dynasty adheres to Wahabism, a strict version of Islam. Unofficially, it has demonstrated a pragmatism in its relationships with various non-Muslim nations. One suspects that the royal family knows when to compromise a bit; fanatical clerics, on the other hand, contemplate no compromise.

Shia and Sunni usage of the words for Islamic authorities - mullah, imam, mujtahids, and other expressions - vary slightly. To complicate matters, the Saudi monarchy embraces Wahabi, a type of Sunni which is different than the ordinary Sunni Islam which the majority of the commoners in Saudi Arabia embrace.

Despite his stature as monarch, King Abdullah (now succeeded by his half-brother, King Salman) was subject to substantial pressure from the Islamic leaders. The National Review reported in October 2011 about a rather moderate-sounding statement from the king:

It would be too much to say that King Abdullah is an acolyte of John Stuart Mill. And yet he seems inclined to grant women in Saudi Arabia the right to vote and even to submit their candidacy for municipal office “in accordance with sharia.” Abdullah justified this shift thus: “We refuse to marginalize the role of women in Saudi society in every field of work,” leaving the unsettling implication that marginalization will continue in other areas. One of these will be behind the wheel of a car, where women are prohibited from sitting, hindering their ability to reach polling centers. So long as this wider “marginalization” (known outside the Wahhabi realm as subjugation) persists, equality under the law will remain a fantasy. And so long as the electorate at large is unable to elect — and dismiss — its leaders, universal suffrage will continue to be a mirage.

Despite the modest sentiments expressed in his statement, King Abdullah encountered the opposition of Muslim leaders. Although the monarch had hoped to somehow harmonize “sharia” law with his efforts to moderate the oppression of women in his realm, his intentions were resisted and ultimately rendered ineffective.

Not much has changed for women in Saudi Arabia.

The Islamic leadership wants to keep the monarchy in power, because it maintains a strong economy and maintains law and order. The resistance to the king is therefore veiled.

The Muslim hierarchy would not openly or publicly opposed the king. But behind the scenes, he is certainly not free to issue social legislation, or legislation related in any way to sharia, as he chooses.

The result is that women in Saudi Arabia find that they are still not allowed to have driver’s licenses or drive cars. Women need the permission of a male family member to travel, go to school, open a bank account, marry, or have surgery. The police enforce a dress code for women, according to which only the eyes and hands are to be seen publicly.